international women's rights groups

Body Politics in Development: Critical Debates in Gender and Development Body Politics in Development: Critical Debates in Gender and Development
List Price: $29.95
Sale Price: $19.79

This book explores how activists around the world have organized to fight for their economic and social rights and well-being, to end violence against women and militarism, to promote sexual and reproductive rights, and to protect bodily integrity in the face of the new biotechnologies.  Seeing the body as a fluid site of power and political contestation where specific cultural, social and economic realities and struggles are played out, Harcourt looks at body politics from the intimate and personal within self, family and community to the public at national and global levels and discourses.Using narrative, interview, analysis and theory to bring out the importance of different facets of body politics, this accessible book translates feminist and development discourse into vitally relevant material for all those interested in human rights and social justice. 

Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium (Dilemmas in World Politics) Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium (Dilemmas in World Politics)
List Price: $36.00
Sale Price: $21.99

Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium connects the inequalities between and among women and men with the world politics of global governance, security, political economy, and ecology. Through historical, theoretical, and empirical analysis, the authors alert us to gendered divisions of power, violence, labor and resources, as well as the power of gender as a meta-lens that keeps gender, race, class, sexual, and national divisions in place, despite some re-positionings of some women and men on the world political stage. In this completely new edition, which reflects significant advances in feminist international relations and transnational feminist scholarship, the authors apply intersectional analysis to global governance, militarization, global economic restructuring, and environmental degradation. They explore how crises of representation, insecurity, and sustainability have widened and deepened—particularly in the post-9/11 period—while at the same time global gender policymaking (quotas, gender mainstreaming, and the advancing of women’s human rights) has increased. The authors focus on this apparent contradiction—the higher level of attention to gender and women’s human rights in a time of fierce militarization, savage economic inequality, and ecological crisis—but also address how the power of gender, as a meta-lens that orders world politics, can be deconstructed to rethink identities, ideologies, structures, and policies that rest upon gendered processes of imperialism, neoliberalism, racialization, and sexualization. The book emphasizes how hard-won attention to gender equality in world affairs can be co-opted when gender is used to justify or mystify unjust global governance, global security, and global political economy, but at the same time sees promise in coalitional struggles to re-radicalize feminist world political demands to change the downward conditions of women, men, children, and the planet. Thus, the authors also examine the challenges of forging transnational solidarities to de-gender world politics, scholarship, and practice through renewed politics of representation and redistribution.

Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader
List Price: $31.00
Sale Price: $17.00

This interdisciplinary collection from the Human Rights Quarterly brings together in a single volume nineteen of the most compelling articles written on women's human rights issues. For the past twenty-five years, Human Rights Quarterly has been a leading publisher of important work in human rights research, exploring the fundamental nature of human rights as defined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. By providing decision makers with insight into complex human rights issues, the journal helps to define national and international human rights policy.This special issue focuses specifically on the challenges that women face and the efforts by individuals and organizations alike to ensure the protection of women under international law. The articles are organized into five sections that discuss the history and evolution of women's human rights, religion, violence, economic rights, and reproductive rights. The essays address such topics as the rights of Middle Eastern women, rape camps in the former Yugoslavia, and abortion law in Ireland.

international women's rights groups
Male Hunting Season Has Begun--It's Reelection Time!!!?

The House of Representatives for the State of Maryland passed HB65, which the Senate is voting on today. The bill makes it a requirement for all men--not women, just men--to provide privacy act information prior to being able to use dating sites...ANY dating site. This morphed out of legislation heaped into VAWA concerning international marriage brokers.

http://mlis.state.md.us/2010rs/bills/sb/sb0129f.pdf

Now...as I've been saying here, since men and men's groups can't seem to get the point across, if women feel that it's wrong to discriminate against a class of citizens by denying them their constitutional rights to associate, assemble and speak, along with their rights to privacy, then it's time to do something. It won't be long, if passed in Maryland, that all states--it's reelection year for many, remember--to try to appease and court women's votes by assuming all men are guilty before the trial.

Wait a minute. You claim in you question that it applies to all men joining all dating sites, and that this bill applies to men only.

However from your link the bill, which is legitimate, it says no such thing. It clearly says it is for International Marriage Brokers, and that's it. There is no mention of anything else. It also makes no mention of gender. So, you have some 'splaining to do, or you need to delete your question and stop wasting our time.

International Adoption: Unicef's and Other Critics’ War Against International Adoption

UNICEF has been waging war against international adoption for many years contrary to popular understanding.  It’s a war with results that fall far short of real time solutions to the spoils of its victories.  UNICEF’s premise that parents in underdeveloped countries should be provided the means to keep their children is not arguable.  Neither is UNICEF’s stance that international adoption should only be a last resort.

However, UNICEF’s tough and effective pressure tactics and  lobbying efforts towards developing nations calling for ratification of the Hague Treaty for the Protection of Children and implementation of adoption law and policy models which effectively serve to close programs completely or almost completely to foreign adopters belies a misguided, unrealistic and out of touch policy contrary to the best interests of hundreds of thousands of legitimately orphaned and abandoned children around the world. These efforts have resulted in the semi or complete closure of adoptions around the world in such countries as Guatemala, Bulgaria, Paraguay, and Romania to mention just a few examples.
 
Let’s take the example of Guatemala.  After intense pressure from UNICEF, Guatemala finally closed its doors to international adoption on December 31, 2008.  Prior to that time, foreign nationals adopted approximately 5,000 Guatemalan children per year.   Oscar Avila, “Guatemala Seeks Domestic Fix to Troubled Overseas Adoptions,†Chicago Tribune, October 26, 2008 indicated that “Guatemala has launched an ambitious campaign to recruit foster parents and even adoptive parents at home.â€Â  So far, the program is failing miserably.  Avila reports, “Only about 45 families in a nation of 13 million currently have taken in foster children since the program began this year.â€

The approach that Guatemala is taking by attempting to gain domestic attention to the problem is certainly meritorius; however, this approach could and should have been implemented concomitant with an international program which would ensure that thousands of children will find homes rather than waste away in institutions that are often underfunded, understaffed and unable to provide for the needs of these children.

One of the main criticisms of the Guatemalan adoption program prior to its closure was that it was in the hands of private attorneys who depended on sometimes unscrupulous middlemen to procure birthmothers wanting to give up their children and perhaps those not wanting to give up their children.  Of course this depiction glosses over the nature of how this practice developed in remote villages in Guatemala, far from the lawyers in Guatemala City who could arrange adoptions by foreign nationals.  It was a practical way to connect birthmothers, who were seeking adoption as an option to their usually dire circumstances, to attorneys who could then take the children into custody through the use of foster homes and then place the children with families abroad through adoption proceedings.  It is interesting to note that neither UNICEF nor the Guatemalan government could see that there could be a middle ground to solving the problem of unscrupulous middlemen who were supposedly forcing these women to give up their children, paying the women as an inducement, or even, as many reports claimed, kidnapping these children for adoption.  Many of these reports glossed over the fact that birth mothers had to relinquish their child to an attorney advising her of her rights, undergo an interview with the Family Court, DNA testing of the birth mother and child, review by the Guatemalan Solicitor General’s office, and once again, the birth mother’s consent to the adoption after the Solicitor General’s approval.  The Embassies regularly interviewed birth mothers and conducted investigations at random or of cases that appeared questionable.   During the last year of adoptions in Guatemala, a 2nd DNA test was required at the end of the process based on accusations of child switching with unimpressive findings to back up these wanton allegations. 

Avila’s report indicates that the Guatemalan Department of Social Welfare has now created satellite offices all over the country in an attempt to increase its pool of families interested in fostering or adopting these children.  Unfortunately, this is exactly the kind of reform that many adoption attorneys called for which would remove involvement by middlemen but allow attorneys to work with the Department of Social Welfare in concert with its ongoing program to promote foster care and adoption domestically.  UNICEF would not come to the table nor would the Guatemalan government which was eager to completely shut the door on international adoption in response to UNICEF’s strong and effective lobbying efforts.

Another example of misguided criticism regarding international adoption is in Malawi, where the infamous Madonna adoption took place.  Malawi is a country of 13 million and approximately 1 million are orphans half of which are “AIDS orphansâ€. Solutions are slow in coming in a nation beset by an AIDS epidemic infecting almost one fouth of its population.   These orphaned children deserve a chance at having permanent homes and families.  International adoption is not a perfect solution to the problem in Malawi and so many other nations of Africa but it saves lives, gives children a chance, one adoption at a time.

Of course, most would agree that international adoption should not be the sole answer to poverty faced by nations around the world.  No rational person would think so.  International adoption should be seen as a stopgap emergency measure taken while the United Nations, human rights groups, humanitarian organizations and the governments of these underdeveloped countries seek answers to the abject poverty, high birth rates, AIDS epidemic, malnutrition, lack of education, lack of women’s rights, and massive unemployment which lead to parents making these hard decisions about the future of their offspring.  International adoption is one temporary cog in the wheel.  UNICEF and other detractors and critics of international adoption have continually failed to recognize the vital emergency role of international adoption and how compromise and middle ground solutions could serve the orphaned and abandoned children.

About the Author

Candace O'Brien, Esquire has over 10 years of experience in the field of international adopation and is the Director of AdoptInternational, a licensed adoption agency. For further information: http://www.adoptintl.com
http://www.adoptamerica411.com

Body Politics in Development: Critical Debates in Gender and Development Body Politics in Development: Critical Debates in Gender and Development
List Price: $29.95
Sale Price: $19.79

This book explores how activists around the world have organized to fight for their economic and social rights and well-being, to end violence against women and militarism, to promote sexual and reproductive rights, and to protect bodily integrity in the face of the new biotechnologies.  Seeing the body as a fluid site of power and political contestation where specific cultural, social and economic realities and struggles are played out, Harcourt looks at body politics from the intimate and personal within self, family and community to the public at national and global levels and discourses.Using narrative, interview, analysis and theory to bring out the importance of different facets of body politics, this accessible book translates feminist and development discourse into vitally relevant material for all those interested in human rights and social justice. 

Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium (Dilemmas in World Politics) Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium (Dilemmas in World Politics)
List Price: $36.00
Sale Price: $21.99

Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium connects the inequalities between and among women and men with the world politics of global governance, security, political economy, and ecology. Through historical, theoretical, and empirical analysis, the authors alert us to gendered divisions of power, violence, labor and resources, as well as the power of gender as a meta-lens that keeps gender, race, class, sexual, and national divisions in place, despite some re-positionings of some women and men on the world political stage. In this completely new edition, which reflects significant advances in feminist international relations and transnational feminist scholarship, the authors apply intersectional analysis to global governance, militarization, global economic restructuring, and environmental degradation. They explore how crises of representation, insecurity, and sustainability have widened and deepened—particularly in the post-9/11 period—while at the same time global gender policymaking (quotas, gender mainstreaming, and the advancing of women’s human rights) has increased. The authors focus on this apparent contradiction—the higher level of attention to gender and women’s human rights in a time of fierce militarization, savage economic inequality, and ecological crisis—but also address how the power of gender, as a meta-lens that orders world politics, can be deconstructed to rethink identities, ideologies, structures, and policies that rest upon gendered processes of imperialism, neoliberalism, racialization, and sexualization. The book emphasizes how hard-won attention to gender equality in world affairs can be co-opted when gender is used to justify or mystify unjust global governance, global security, and global political economy, but at the same time sees promise in coalitional struggles to re-radicalize feminist world political demands to change the downward conditions of women, men, children, and the planet. Thus, the authors also examine the challenges of forging transnational solidarities to de-gender world politics, scholarship, and practice through renewed politics of representation and redistribution.

Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader
List Price: $31.00
Sale Price: $17.00

This interdisciplinary collection from the Human Rights Quarterly brings together in a single volume nineteen of the most compelling articles written on women's human rights issues. For the past twenty-five years, Human Rights Quarterly has been a leading publisher of important work in human rights research, exploring the fundamental nature of human rights as defined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. By providing decision makers with insight into complex human rights issues, the journal helps to define national and international human rights policy.This special issue focuses specifically on the challenges that women face and the efforts by individuals and organizations alike to ensure the protection of women under international law. The articles are organized into five sections that discuss the history and evolution of women's human rights, religion, violence, economic rights, and reproductive rights. The essays address such topics as the rights of Middle Eastern women, rape camps in the former Yugoslavia, and abortion law in Ireland.

Iran: Shadi Sadr's Speech for the 2010 International Women of Courage Award Ceremony

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